PROFESSOR DUGIN’S AVATARS (9)

Soft power à la russe and dissidence controlled by the Kremlin octopus

February 24, 2022. The beginning of Russia’s military intervention in Ukraine.

In our anti-globalist and conservative camp, everyone condemned the 2014 coup in Kiev, orchestrated by the Americans. Just as we condemned the Kiev regime’s terrorization of the Russian-speaking population in eastern Ukraine. Many of us accepted the accession of Crimea to Russia. But we no longer understood the abandonment of the Donbass region, after Moscow had orchestrated the referendums on the accession of the Donetsk and Lugansk regions to Russia, abandoning the population here for a period of eight years.

Some of us, including me, suspect (from a credible source in Moscow, a professor and sociologist), that all the leaders of the “Russian Spring” were killed not by the Kiev regime, but at the behest of the Kremlin. Vladislav Surkov knows why. Among them are Alexey Mozgovoy, Arsen Pavlov (“Motorola”), Mikhail Tolsikh (“Givi”), Pavel Dremov (“Batia”), Evgeny Ishchenko (“Malash”) and others. They were too charismatic and too independent in relation to the police regime in Moscow. And Mozgovoy gave a series of interviews and left a diary, in which he confessed that this massacre is being staged by the Israelis in order to provoke as many victims as possible. The key theses of this hero: “While we, brothers in blood and faith, are killing each other, our commanders on both sides of the front speak in Hebrew. I am glad that the world has already understood that in Kiev the power is controlled by the Zionists. But I am sorry that very few have yet realized that in Moscow the power is also in the hands of the Zionists.”

I did not understand and did not welcome the strange negotiations in Minsk on September 5, 2014 and February 12, 2015.

After the Russian military units managed to reach the gates of Kiev and were ready to quickly and without major losses conquer the capital of Ukraine, Putin gave the order to retreat. Thus, an imminent victory turned into a defeat due to the betrayal of the supreme commander. The regions of Kiev, Chernigov, Sumy, Kharkov, and then Kherson were abandoned, along with the strategic redoubt, the city of Kherson. The reason – the betrayal of the supreme command.

There is no rational explanation for the decision of the Kremlin authorities on September 30, 2022 to absorb Donetsk, Lugansk, Zaporizhia, Kherson—none of which are under the full control of the Russian military, even after more than four years of fighting!—into the Russian Federation.

Countless times, prisoners of war from infamous units like the Azov Battalion, were released from Russian captivity with the help of Jewish oligarch Roman Abramovich, who shuttles between London and Moscow whenever the Rothschild clan has a capitulating message for Putin.

I also did not understand the dubious and repeated negotiations in Istanbul between the Russian and Ukrainian sides, with the obligatory presence of the chief negotiator Roman Abramovich. Just as strange are the Russian-American negotiations, especially when they are led by two prominent members of the fundamentalist Jewish sect Chabad Lubavich, Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner (from the US side) and another follower of the same sect from the Russian side, Kirill Dimitriev.

No less strange is the designation of Sergey Kiriyenko (Israitel), number 2 in the presidential administration and Putin’s potential successor, as responsible for the “liberated territories”.

We do not understand why Russian generals and patriotic activists are being killed on a conveyor belt, without Moscow taking symmetrical measures.

Neither the lack of mobilization of the economy and society for the needs of the war, nor why more and more strategic enterprises and residential buildings in the depths of Russian territory are burning, does not fit into normal logic.

The questions could go on. The fact is that the Moscow regime has demonstrated during four and a half years of war its complete inability to cope with this state of affairs. Or, rather, it is a matter of betrayal at the top.

But the propagandists of the internationalist cohort gathered around Dugin as the standard-bearer of an invincible and great Russia do not feel embarrassed to continue to cowardly and hypocritically praise a regime that is destroying its own country.

August 20, 2022. The assassination of Daria Dugin.

On the morning of Sunday, August 20, 2022, when I returned from the Holy Liturgy, I found my wife and other relatives with tears in their eyes. I had learned the terrible news that Daria had been killed the previous evening. I went to my library and recorded two films one after the other, in Russian and Romanian. Then I wrote a text in French and English. All these materials are kept on my Telegram channel: https://t.me/iurierosca. I present to you the texts in English and French written in those tragic moments: https://telegra.ph/To-Kill-Dugin-The-massacre-of-innocents-and-the-geopolitics-of-anti-Russian-terrorism-08-21; https://telegra.ph/Tuez-Douguine-Le-massacre-dinnocents-et-la-g%C3%A9opolitique-du-terrorisme-anti-russe-08-21.

I sent these materials to several people from Professor Dugin’s entourage, Valery Korovin, Leonid Savin, Sofia Metelkina, probably also to Fabrice Sorlin. But, as far as I remember, no one answered me, neither then nor later. Of course, it could be that everyone was in a state of shock. But I do not recall that these texts were ever published on the main website of this group

https://www.geopolitika.ru/

. It seemed that I had become so undesirable for the circles of power in Moscow that it was more reasonable to avoid association with my name even at such a tragic moment. Even my condolences were no longer accepted.

Almost a year later, in May 2023, after the Easter holidays, I noticed that Natalia Melentyieva had logged into Telegram, and so I decided to send her two one-minute video messages, in which I asked about her health and expressed my condolences once again. By the way, it was Daria who taught me how to send one-minute video messages. But Natalia, with whom I had had a cordial relationship for several years, saw both messages, but did not respond. Perhaps my mistake was that I had previously sent her a series of texts and videos of mine, in which I criticized the Putin regime. I can only guess: Either she did not like my critical position, or elementary prudence led her to avoid any contact with someone who dares to expose the Kremlin regime.

(to be continued)